Bioengineering
With lives on the line, professor informs HIV policymakers
Margaret
Brandeau flew to St. Petersburg, Russia, last month on a mission to save lives
with math. The professor of management science and engineering sought to convince
a conference of AIDS prevention officials from across Eastern Europe to look
at the numbers. Her research team’s model of AIDS in St.
Petersburg shows that the official policy of leaving HIV-positive heroin addicts
untreated is the worst option for slowing the epidemic’s rapid and tragic
spread.
“I strongly believe in using mathematics for the public good,” says
Brandeau, an expert at the nexus of epidemiology and health care policy. “I’m
kind of a crusader. I want to make things better.”
An important way to make health care better is to supply officials who allocate
limited public resources with information about the costs and effectiveness
of their options. Such officials can draw on the expertise of doctors, social
workers and economists, but the unique contribution of engineers is in developing
sophisticated mathematical models to predict the health and economic consequences
of their choices.
City under siege
Unfortunately, St. Petersburg is an ideal
place for Brandeau’s work.
The city, like much of Russia, has one of the fastest-growing HIV epidemics
in the world. Many experts estimate that about a million Russians — about
1 percent of the adult population — have the virus. The epidemic coincides
with a similarly big increase in the abuse of injectable drugs.
The connection between increased drug use and increased HIV infection is real,
but Russian officials, in St. Petersburg and elsewhere, have so far not included
drug users in their limited program of HIV treatment. The 5,000 afflicted Russians
who receive the HIV-suppressing treatment known as highly active antiretroviral
therapy (HAART) are almost exclusively not drug users. Officials have assumed
that drug users wouldn’t take their medicine and that the money would
therefore be wasted. The numbers Brandeau and her co-authors published in the
journal AIDS late last year indicate that both the assumption and
the resulting policy choice are a prescription for disaster.
The research began in May 2005, when a multidisciplinary team of Stanford
researchers visited Russia for two weeks on a whirlwind fact-finding mission. Brandeau
and lead author and MS&E doctoral student Elisa Long traveled with several
members of the Center for Primary Care and Outcomes Research at Stanford Medical
School, including Douglas Owens, a professor of medicine. Their goal was to
gather data for a model that would determine the number of new infections that
could be prevented by expanding HAART to different mixes of drug users and
non-drug users in St. Petersburg. In addition to improving life expectancy
in infected patients, HAART substantially reduces the chance of infecting others
by reducing the virus levels in the body.
The team visited clinics and hospitals to speak with doctors, officials, and
members of non-governmental organizations to gather as much data as they could
about a variety of behaviors. How often do addicts inject drugs? How
many sex partners do non-drug users have? How frequently do individuals
use condoms?
The next step was to combine this behavioral data with facts about how HIV
infection progresses to AIDS and death, how much protection HAART offers, and
how the virus is spread by sex or needle sharing. The researchers then factored
in cost estimates for the treatment, including an extra $10 a week per drug
user for a program to ensure they take their medicine. They used their model
to determine the cost effectiveness of three types of strategies: focusing
treatment on drug users, on non-users, or a mix of the two.
Their answer is that the most cost-effective policy is to do pretty much the
opposite of the status quo: to focus treatment on drug users. With that strategy,
an expenditure of $10.3 billion over 20 years would prevent an estimated 40,377
infections in the city, of which 75% are among non-drug users. A strategy focusing
on non-users cost $10.4 billion and prevented only an estimated 9,463 infections. The
reason for this difference, Brandeau says, is that drug users are the key drivers
of the epidemic, and they often have sexual partnerships with non-users, so
reducing drug users’ infectivity significantly reduces the HIV epidemic
in the general population.
That said, the team’s recommendation is to spend more money to treat
users and non-users alike. Although not quite as cost-effective as a
strategy focused solely on injection drug users, such a strategy is still highly
cost-effective.
Eager to get their message out to the audience of policymakers last month,
the team had their paper translated into Russian.
“There’s no use to doing this kind of work unless you can influence
policy, so that’s our goal,” Brandeau says.
Helping at home
Brandeau has also applied her expertise to combating the domestic
HIV epidemic, which is still unfolding, although not as dramatically as in
Russia. In the United States about 40,000 new cases are reported every year.
Brandeau has looked at whether policy makers at the federal and local levels
are allocating prevention funds optimally. In a paper published earlier this
year in the journal Medical Decision Making, she and former student
Gregory Zaric asked whether funds should be distributed in proportion to the
prevalence of the epidemic in an area, or based on which programs would be
most efficient in achieving results. For example, who should receive funding:
a low-prevalence area with very successful HIV prevention programs, or a region
heavily afflicted with HIV that lacks effective programs? Before any
money reaches patients, this decision is made twice: the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention allocate money to 65 HIV Prevention Community Planning
Groups (CPG) around the country and those CPGs then allocate money to competing
local programs.
In a rigidly utilitarian way, it may seem obvious that all money should be
allocated to the most cost-effective programs, but there are a lot of reasons — often
important social and political ones — why the more typical practice is
to allocate money proportional to overall prevalence. Hoping to give policymakers
a clear picture of what the competing options mean in terms of infections prevented,
Brandeau and Zaric (now a professor at the University of Western Ontario) created
a model based on prevalence and efficacy data for three types of prevention
programs and three risk groups in 38 states, Puerto Rico and Washington DC.
They found that allocation based on efficacy at the federal and local levels
saves the most lives and that allocation based on proportion at both levels
saves the fewest (almost 25 percent fewer). But their model also went further
to uncover some important nuances. For example, assigning 50 percent of funds
for proportional allocation and distributing the rest based on efficiency saved
97 percent as many lives as focusing completely on efficiency, so there is
room for proportional allocation. It just shouldn’t be the predominant
practice.
On paper and in spreadsheets, Brandeau’s work appears as a series of complex
differential equations, summations, and other formulas that may not seem dramatic.
But when governments confront epidemics, thousands of lives are on the line.
Those are the numbers that add up in Brandeau’s math.
June 2007
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